Friday, 4 May 2012

Zambia's Draft Constitution Maintains Christianity as State Religion


By Paul Shalala

Zambia’s latest draft constitution has guaranteed freedom of worship and also maintained the 16 year old declaration of the southern African country as a Christian nation.
According to Part five of the draft constitution which was released to the public in May 2012 for public scrutiny, all Zambians have a right to freedom of conscience, religion, thought, belief and opinion.
This means that Zambians will continue to enjoy their freedom to practice any religion of their choice without state control.

This proposed legislation means that that the country does not recognize any single Christian church but citizens can choose their own denomination.

If passed, the draft constitution also seeks to allow religious institutions to establish, maintain and operate education facilities in order to help the already struggling Ministry of Education which is at the moment failing to maintain its schools spread across the country.

At the moment, Zambia has hundreds of churches spread across the country and some years ago they had increased in number to an extent where the government threatened to stop registering new ones due to a perception that some clergy were personalizing and commercializing evangelism.

Meanwhile, the draft constitution has also maintained a clause which proclaims Zambia as a Christian nation.

In its preamble, the draft constitution states: “We the people of Zambia in exercise of our constituent power, acknowledge the supremacy of God Almighty, declare the republic a Christian nation but uphold the right of every person to enjoy that person’s freedom of conscience or religion.”

If this preamble will be adopted, Zambia will continue observing Christianity as its official religion and also allowing other religions to continue operating in the country.

Since 1964 when Zambia gained its independence from its colonial master Britain, the country was officially a secular state until 1996 when late President Frederick Chiluba amended the constitution and declared it  a Christian nation.

Despite the declaration, other religions such as Judaism, Islam and Hinduism have continued to grow with the Muslims building more mosques around the country.

The country has powerful church mother bodies which are very vocal on many religious and governance issues. These religious bodies such as the Council of churches in Zambia, the Evangelical Fellowship of Zambian and the Zambia Episcopal Conference, usually influence public policy and have a large say in many legal and social issues through the issuance of periodic pastoral letters which guide their followers on various issues.

During last year’s general elections, the declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation was a huge campaign issue which saw some politicians accusing each other of planning to scrap off the Christian nation clause from the constitution once they win.

Newly elected President Michael Sata, who is a devout Catholic, has on several occasions emphasised that he would govern the country on the Ten Commandments as contained in the Christian Bible.

He has further told the nation that being a Christian nation is not enough but should be coupled with the observance of the Ten Commandments.

With the release of the draft constitution, Zambians now have 40 days in which to read and submit comments on the draft constitution.

Thereafter, a Technical Committee appointed by President Michael Sata is expected to produce the final constitution in September this year before the document is subjected to a referendum and later enacted into law by Parliament.

Analysis Of The First Draft Constitution

By Paul Shalala
Reading through the 227 pages of the Michael Sata-appointed Technical Committee’s first draft constitution, am reminded of the struggles, pickets, war of words and insults that the people of Zambia have gone through over the past years on this seemingly unending constitution making process.
This draft constitution has come at a time when most Zambians seem to be tired with the words “a constitution which will stand the taste of time.” They want a constitution that appeals to their views and aspirations, a constitution which will empower them to take part in public affairs and demand accountability like in any other democracy.
Recently, the Technical Committee released its first draft constitution which is soon to be debated and adopted in provinces before a final constitution is prepared and presented to the President as scheduled in September.
Below is my analysis, observations and recommendations of this document which seeks to be approved or rejected by the Zambian people.

Contentious issues
In the previous Constitution Review Commissions (CRCs), Zambians had been submitting a number of items which they felt were dear to their hearts and they hoped those clauses would add value to the country’s wellbeing if added in the republican constitution. Most of these items were added in the respective CRCs’ draft constitutions but were unilaterally deleted from the final documents by those in the seats of authority.
It is however, interesting to note that almost all those contentious issues are included in the first draft constitution released by the Technical Committee in April 2012. These are the 50 plus one presidential election threshold or the majoritarian electoral system, the Vice Presidential running mate, proportional representation, the appointment of ministers from outside parliament and others.
The other contentious issue is the Christian nation clause. During last year’s campaigns, it was a big issue. In the draft, the declaration has been maintained in the preamble as follows:

“We the people of Zambia in exercise of our constituent power, acknowledge the supremacy of God Almighty, declare the republic a Christian nation but uphold the right of every person to enjoy that person’s freedom of conscience or religion.”

This is an article that many Christian groups had fought to maintain since its inception in the republican constitution in 1996.

Positives
In Part IV, the draft constitution has provided the opportunity of dual citizenship, an issue which most of our Zambian brothers and sisters in the diaspora have been crying for. The provision clearly states that if a Zambian citizen acquires another nationality, their Zambian citizenship will stil be maintained and cannot be revoked unless the concerned person does so.
Another provision is the Citizenship Board of Zambia which will determine issues to do with nationality. I guess this is the right body which will be determining aspiring candidates’ eligibility to office as happened last year when President Rupiah Banda’s candidature for presidency was questioned on allegations that his father was a foreigner.
Part V of the draft broadens the Bill of Rights and gives various sectors of society rights they need to enjoy such as education, health, sanitation and housing. Of particular interest to me is the inclusion of Economic, Social and Cultural rights. Those who follow Zambian politics will recall that during the existence of the ill fated PF-UPND Pact, the UPND had argued with the PF on these rights and UPND had put them as a benchmark for negotiations towards a single presidential candidate.
Of all the provisions in the draft constitution, those contained in Part VI are dear to my heart. These are articles to do with the electoral system. This part includes some of the most progressive articles which most Zambians have been yearning to have for decades. These include the 50 plus one provision for election of a President, Vice President running mate provision, last Thursday of September as date for General Elections every after five years and proportional representation in parliament. Further, the draft proposes a special vote during general elections for Zambians abroad, defence and security personell and other special people in society like journalists and monitors who are deployed in other areas other than their constituencies were they are registered as voters.
In this same part of the draft, those who lost as MPs in the immediate past elections are not allowed to take office as Ministers or Permanent Secretaries. On the installation of the president elect, more flexibility is given in light of petitions or other problems as opposed to the “within 24 hours” system employed at the moment.
On the executive, Part VII has brought in a tradition that is practiced in countries such as the USA which I see to be very progressive: the appointment of Ministers from outside Parliament. For me this will help the country to have well trained and specialised technocrats to run ministries as opposed to the current system were ministers are deployed irrespective of their credentials and lack of it. In this draft constitution, the Grade 12 requirement for a presidential candidate has been maintained a s well as the provision to remove the immunity of a president if suspected of having abused his/her office.
On electoral petitions, the Constitutional Court has been proposed so that it can hear and judge the submissions. This will help reduce conflict of interest in that the Chief Justice, who used to be the Returning Officer of the general elections, used to receive these electoral petitions when they were filed in the Supreme Court.
Article 88 provides a new concept in Zambian politics: the Political Parties Fund. This is a fund which, in my thinking, will pay a special amount of money to all political parties represented in parliament. However, all parties will be subject to audits on an annual basis on the utilization of party funds. This regulation will also help reduce excess expenditure and mortgaging of the country by those sourcing funds from outside the country.
According to the draft constitution, Ministers will be appointed from outside parliament from among people who are eligible to be elected as MPs and these will number not more than 21. Permanent Secretaries will be appointed from among ruling party MPs and these will only be 11. This will mean that as controlling officers, Permanent Secretaries (MPs) will be under non politicians in the Ministries as Ministers will be chosen from outside Manda Hill.
Parliament itself will have 200 elected MPs plus the Speaker and Deputy Speaker. This will be an increase from the current 150 elected MPs which will mean creation of new constituencies and more expenditure at Manda Hill (the other name for the Zambian Parliament).

Negatives
This first draft constitution contains very good articles but it also has deficiencies. For example, it does not allow an independent candidate to run for President. This is an infringement of rights as many like minded Zambians who would want to aspire for Plot One are not aligned to political parties will not be able to exercise their democratic right. During last year’s General Elections, the European Union and the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa both recommended separately that Zambia should allow independent minded Zambians to aspire for the highest office in the land. 
Secondly, the President will still has excessive powers. These include the appointment of members of the Electoral Commission of Zambia, an issue which many have been describing as unfair. The Technical Committee should have found an independent way of choosing commissioners.
Thirdly, Part VII provides for the President’s immunity and its removal incase of suspected misconduct during the head of state’s tenure of office. However, it does not give a provision for the re-instatement of that immunity after one is tried and the legal process is concluded.

Conclusion
In its current form, the first draft constitution is progressive, it appeals to most people’s aspiration despite a few shortcomings. Therefore, stakeholders who will take part in conventions, should ensure that all progressive clauses are maintained so that a constitution we all want can be enacted into law and will “stand a test of time.

Monday, 23 April 2012

Why We Need 50+1 for Presidential Elections

By Paul Shalala
A voter being helped to walk


For a long time now, a minority president has presided over millions of Zambians most of whom may not even have voted for him. Presidents such as the late Frederick Chiluba, the late Levy Mwanawasa, Rupiah Banda and the incumbent Michael Sata have all led this country on minority votes owing to the current First-Past-The-Post electoral system. This system allows whoever gets votes more votes than other candidates to be crowned President of the Republic of Zambia irrespective of whether the margin was minimal or large and irrespective of the percentage of the winning candidate.

For example, in 2001, Mwanawasa got less than 30% of the votes, in practical terms it means that the majority of Zambian voters (70%) did not want Mwanawasa to be president as they voted for other candidates, but because of our electoral regime, Mwanawasa presided over this nation as a minority head of state. As the constitution making process progresses, my hope is that the Sata-appointed Technical Committee on the constitution will ensure that the 50 plus one presidential winning threshold is enshrined in the new constitution so that in future, Zambian presidents should be elected by the majority of the voters!

The 50 plus one system is also called the Majoritarian electoral system in Political Science. This system allows a winning candidate to have more than 50% of the votes, hence having the majority votes in an election. 50 plus one also helps the incumbent president to have legitimacy from the voters as most people will see the power of their votes being manifested in the man or woman they eventually send to State House. Further, the majoritarian system will also reduces cases of electoral disputes as the person who becomes president wins outright unlike the current situation were a president can win with a meagre 35,000 votes and the losers live with suspicions of fraud and the stealing of votes. This system ensures that if no candidate wins more than 50% in the first round, the first two candidates head for a run off election in which the voters choose a candidate who evntually presides over their nation for a prescribed number of years!

Over the years, Zambians have submitted through various Constitution Review Commissions (CRCs)for the inclusion of the 50 plus one presidential voting threshold into the Republican Constitution. Many of these recommendations have been thrown out by the successive governments but we are hopeful that the Patriotic Front government will not fall in the same trap and throw out this recommendation which is at the heart of many Zambians' aspirations.

Tuesday, 17 April 2012

The World Bank Election and Africa's Calls for More Say

By Paul Shalala

Many Africans are crying following the election of President Barack Obama's nominee Jim Yong Kim for World Bank President. That election was an academic exercise because the chief of that bak is always an American since the bank's inception in the 1940s! There is an unwritten rule that America should always have a final say on the selection process! In 1944, US, UK and their allies in World War II met at a place called Bretton Woods in USA were they agreed to form two institutions: the International Bank for Reconstruction (World Bank) & the International Monetary Fund (IMF), these two were to help rebuild Europe & Japan following the destruction of that great war against Hitler's Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire! So from the outset, these two so-called Bretton Woods institutions are not meant for Africa, they are for America, Europe & Japan. Therefore, the World Bank seems to have been established for other regions, though in the past 70 years the role of this bak has changed from reconstruction to other roles, its management still remains in American hands. Therefore, let's not complain that Africa's candidate Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala wasn't selected as the new President of the World Bank, that bank isn't for Africa, its for the west. Even if the well educated Nigerian Finance Minister was to win, she wouldn't favour Africa in the bank's operations because the systems and structures control what the Bank President does. Therefore, Africans should spare their tears for other things, the World Bank has always been led by an American since 1944, the IMF has always been led by a European since 1944, Africa should therefore concentrate on its own development and not these fights for leadership of these multilateral institutions which won't take us any where.

The World Bank Election and Africa's Calls for More Say

Many Africans are crying following the election of President Barack Obama's nominee Jim Yong Kim for World Bank President. That election was an academic exercise because the chief of that bak is always an American since the bank's inception in the 1940s! There is an unwritten rule that America should always have a final say on the selection process! In 1944, US, UK and their allies in World War II met at a place called Bretton Woods in USA were they agreed to form two institutions: the International Bank for Reconstruction (World Bank) & the International Monetary Fund (IMF), these two were to help rebuild Europe & Japan following the destruction of that great war against Hitler's Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire! So from the outset, these two so-called Bretton Woods institutions are not meant for Africa, they are for America, Europe & Japan. Therefore, the World Bank seems to have been established for other regions, though in the past 70 years the role of this bak has changed from reconstruction to other roles, its management still remains in American hands. Therefore, let's not complain that Africa's candidate Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala wasn't selected as the new President of the World Bank, that bank isn't for Africa, its for the west. Even if the well educated Nigerian Finance Minister was to win, she wouldn't favour Africa in the bank's operations because the systems and structures control what the Bank President does. Therefore, Africans should spare their tears for other things, the World Bank has always been led by an American since 1944, the IMF has always been led by a European since 1944, Africa should therefore concentrate on its own development and not these fights for leadership of these multilateral institutions which won't take us any where.

Friday, 6 April 2012

MMD: CONVENTION, U-TURN ON PARTY VICE PRESIDENCY & 2016

By Paul Shalala

On Thursday 5 April 2012, MMD National Secretary Richard Kachingwe announced that the former ruling party will go for an “Extra-ordinary National Convention” in all the ten provinces on 25 June 2012. Major Kachingwe further announced that on the agenda will be the election of the new party president, amending the party constitution to include two vice presidents and also make amendments on the operations of party finances.
In layman’s language, holding a “National Convention” in the respective provinces is in essence having provincial conventions because having a National Convention means that provinces will send delegates to one meeting where the MMD will meet on 25th June but that’s not the case because party members will meet in provinces and not in one place.
Therefore, what MMD will have are provincial conventions and not a National Convention as announced by the retired diplomat who returned to Zambia last year to take up the MMD’s chief executive office at the time he was serving as Zambia’s High Commissioner to Malawi.
On the presidency, the MMD has an opportunity to choose a leader who is expected to unify and move the party forward. At the moment, the party seems disorganized and fatigued with the loss in last year’s general elections. These provincial conventions are therefore an opportunity for the party to put up a united front and make a comeback in 2016 if at all a formidable leader is chosen.
A repeat of what transpired at the 2011 MMD National Convention would damage the party further. MMD members need to bury their differences and embrace each other if the blue party is to live beyond 2016.
Five familiar names are likely to be on the ballot papers during the election to choose the new MMD president who will succeed former president Rupiah Banda who resigned a few weeks ago. These are Felix Mutati (Lunte MP and former Commerce Minister), Dr Situmbeko Musokotwane (Liuwa MP and former Finance Minister), Kabinga Pande (Kasempa MP and former Foreign Affairs Minister), Dr Nevers Mumba (former Vice President and former diplomat) and Moses Muteteka (Chisamba MP and former Local Government Deputy Minister).
All these men are capable of leading this opposition party but the hopes of many party members are that whoever wins, the losers should concede defeat and rally behind the winner. This however is very rare in Africa but MMD once demonstrated this in 2008 when many cabinet ministers fought to become presidential candidates after the demise of then President Levy Mwanawasa and after then acting President Rupiah Banda won the party nomination, all candidates rallied behind him.
On the push to amend the MMD constitution to accommodate two vice presidents, I see this to be a laughable matter because the MMD has made a serious u-turn exactly 12 months after the position was abolished. In April 2011, I covered the MMD extra-ordinary National Convention at Mulungushi Rock of Authority in Kabwe where the party amended the constitution and abolished the position of Vice President due to perceived skirmishes between then MMD Chairman for Elections Mike Mulongoti and then Vice President George Kunda who were both vying for the number two position in the party. The two were perceived to be frontrunners for the party vice presidency and they engaged themselves in a bitter war of words in the media which only ended when Mr Mulongoti was suspended and later expelled from the party and his cabinet portfolio as Works and Supply Minister as well as his nomination as an MP was also revoked by then president Rupiah Banda who was furious at Mulongoti for attacking Kunda in the media.
At that time, senior party officials supported the move to scrap off the number two party position saying the position of Vice president is a liability and it should be abolished.  When delegates were given an opportunity to vote on the amendment, the whole gathering voted unanimously in favour of the amendment and the position was abolished immediately hence the current situation were the party has no Vice President. Therefore, my conclusion is this; the abolishing of the Vice presidency clause last year was not done in good faith because it was done to protect individuals at the expense of the party. It was public knowledge at the time that one perceived preferred candidate was poised to lose hence the need to protect him from an embarrassment. And this push for the re-introduction of the number two position in the party has exposed the MMD’s inconsistency in its leadership. What role is the Vice President going to play today when 12 months ago the same party resolved that the position was a liability?
 In terms of its future, the MMD seems to have a place in people’s heart. Many people still support the party despite its bashing in last year’s polls. However, it risks falling in the same trap UNIP has fallen following its loss in the 1991 elections. The ball is in the MMD’s hands and its actions, messages and movements will be closely scrutinized by Zambian voters between now and 2016.
One of the biggest challenges of whoever will be elected the 4th MMD president on 25 June will face many challenges. The biggest of them all is the “corruption” tag which many senior party officials have accepted as being a problem. The party needs to work on this if it is to remain a viable party able to challenge the PF in 2016. MMD needs to play its public relations well because Zambians seem to ignore political parties easily once power slips aware. The party also needs a complete overhaul of its senior leadership if it is to appeal to new supporters and voters who are tired of the old faces who seem not to be meeting the needs of the common Zambian.
So the future of MMD will lie in the hands of its new president.

Thursday, 17 November 2011

ANALYSIS OF THE COMMITTEE OF EXPERTS AND NEW CONSTITUTION

 BY PAUL SHALALA
The recent unveiling of the 20-man Committee of Experts which will draft the new national constitution brings the issue of constitution making back into people’s minds. In this article, I will dwell on the caliber of committee members, terms of references and the possibility of a people driven constitution after this process comes to an end.
I will however not discuss the composition of the committee, as I perceive that to be a petty issue. There are more important issues I can spend time on, not who was selected, why, how!
CALIBRE OF COMMITTEE
The caliber of committee members cannot be questioned as we have seen a wide range of professions and specializations brought together. For example, a number of constitutional lawyers have been included in the committee, which is a good ingredient for the final document.
Zambians still remember that Willa Mung’omba chaired the famous Mung’omba Constitution Review Commission, which in my view, came up with the best constitutional reforms of all times.
Mwangala Zaloumis is another lawyer with a track record of the constitutional making process. She headed the Electoral Reform Technical Committee appointed by late President Levy Mwanawasa in 2003. And her team came up with a very good document, which unfortunately was left to gather dust on our shelves. Recently, she served as spokesperson for the now defunct National Constitutional Conference until August 2010.
The church, which boycotted the NCC deliberations has now been included in the process and we know that with their input, critical issues like the declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation will be defended especially that during the run up to the 20 September polls, some sectors of society hinted on its removal from the highest law of the land.
Further, we have also seen the inclusion of civil society activists in the likes of Reuben Lifuka and Simon Kabanda. It must be noted that these men are lovers of good governance and they have in a way been firm on the need for the constitution to be driven by the Zambian people and not by politicians. I remember covering Mr Kabanda at parliament earlier this year when he went to picket members of parliament to include some contentious issues in the aborted NCC Draft Constitution.
The civil society has always been active in the Zambian constitution making process. Back in 2006 and 2007, President Levy Mwanawasa released his 5-year constitution road map but the civil society countered that by proposing a shorter road map, which would have saved resources and time. With their inclusion in the committee of experts, we hope they will also represent the will and wishes of the people of Zambia.
One important thing I’m happy about is the exclusion of politicians in this committee. Politicians have in the past been known to promote their interests at the expense of the nation. In the NCC, the then ruling MMD ensured that its members were more than any other sector hence rendering the NCC draft constitution a political document. Thank God, President Michael Sata saw it fit to leave this process to technocrats.

TERMS OF REFERENCE
President Sata has made a good move by asking the committee of experts to review all available pieces of past constitution reforms as they are critical in contributing to a ‘people’ driven document. This move is a ‘people’s’ move in that it will ensure that all those clauses that Zambians have been submitting in the past constitution review commissions will be reviewed and considered for possible adoption.
 In case you may have forgotten, Zambians have been submitting clauses such as:
(a)    50 per cent plus one presidential winning threshold,
(b)   An elected Vice-President,
(c)    Triming the powers of the President,
(d)   Parliament to approve foreign loan contraction by the State, and so on.
It is this approach that will help Zambians to finally have that which they have been crying for over the past four decades.
The other term of reference given to the committee is to go round the provinces and allow citizens to submit and adopt their preferred clauses in conventions. I feel this is ideal in that people will feel part of the process. However, I must warn that those in authority should not politicize this process.
Secondly, the committee should also take on board recommendations of the Electoral Reform Technical Committee which came up with very good reforms for our electoral laws. President Mwanawasa set up this team to spearhead reforms following the 2001 disputed general elections. This again was a broad-based body with representation as diverse as the current committee of experts.

PROCESS OF ADOPTION
In the past weeks, we have heard Ministers and senior government officials announcing that the draft constitution will have to be taken to a referendum and later taken to parliament for enactment. Indeed that’s the best way to ensure its legitimacy because the people will have submitted their clauses in the provinces. And when the draft comes to them through a referendum, they will have the opportunity to endorse their preferred clauses, which will be like double-checking of the draft constitution.
The PF government should stick to this roadmap, as it is the surest way to ensure that Zambians are kept on board as the national document is being produced.
CONCLUSION.
The former ruling party MMD failed to produce ‘a people driven constitution’ because they had given politicians more powers to decide the final outcome of the constitution making process through the NNC.
Secondly, the MMD lost the people’s trust because the process in which the final constitution was to be adopted was not liked by civil society, the church and some opposition political parties.
With this in mind, the ruling Patriotic Front has an opportunity to avoid those mistakes the MMD made in order for them to surely produce the constitution people want.
So far, we have seen political will from government through major pronouncements but the final document will be determined by the way the new constitution making process is managed by the committee of experts and the government at large.  The new development, in a way will also show that it is possible to avoid tedious processes like NCC ands save tax payer’s money.

Friday, 11 November 2011

ZAMBIA DROPS ON CORRUPTION RANKINGS

By Paul Shalala in Berlin, Germany


An expert on corruption in African countries has observed that Zambia’s drop on the international rankings on corruption shows that the southern African country needs to step up its fight against the vice.

Annette Jaitener, who is senior programme coordinator for Africa and the Middle East at Transparency International Headquarters in Berlin, Germany says the results of the 2010 Corruption Perception Index indicate that Zambia has not improved from its previous rankings in 2009.

Ms Jaitner says the perception of most Zambians is that a lot has to be done by the authorities as there is still a huge problem of graft in the country.

Ms Jaitner said this when she addressed a group of African and Asian journalists who visited Transparency International headquarters this morning in Germany.

According to the 2010 Corruption Perception Index which was released by Transparency International in Germany a few days ago, Zambia is now ranked 101 less corrupt country in the world after having slipped two places backwards from number 99 in 2009.

Meanwhile, the Zambia Police Service has been classified as the most corrupt public institution in Zambia.
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According to Transparency International’s 2010 Global Corruption Barometer, most Zambians are of the view that the Police is more corrupt than other public institutions.

Other public institutions considered more corrupt in Zambia according to the poll results are political parties, civil servants, the legislature, and the education system, among others.

The Barometer bases its findings on interviews conducted with more than one thousand Zambians between July 1 and July 10 last year across the country.

Further, the Barometer also reveals that 48 per cent of Zambians interviewed last year felt that the Rupiah Banda-led MMD government was ineffective in its fight against corruption.

Of those interviewed, only 40 percent felt the previous government was effective while 12 percent felt the MMD government was lukewarm in its anti-graft fight.

During the previous government, the international community and local civil society organizations condemned the state for its relaxed anti-graft fight which led to the disbandment of the Taskforce on Corruption, a body that had been investigating and prosecuting corruption cases dating back to 1991.

Friday, 28 October 2011

GERMAN YOUTHS WIN PARLIAMENTARY SEATS THROUGH FACEBOOK CAMPAIGNS


By Paul Shalala in Berlin, Germany

A new group of 15 young and little known Germans have won parliamentary seats in the Berlin Federal Parliament in an unlikely manner after they campaigned using posters and the social networking websites Facebook and Twitter.

In their first day in parliament, the young parliamentarians wore bandanas, caps, informal clothes while some even carried i-pods to the legislature.

The young MPs who include a lady, are members of the newly formed Pirates Party which only held a few public rallies during the campaign period.

These Pirate MPs are young people who are in their early 20s, 30s and a few are in their early 40s while the youngest among them is 19 years old.

A closer look at the their personal histories reveal that some of them are students, while others are industrial workers and physicians.

The success scored by the 15 little known Pirates Party Members of Parliament has shocked many Germans who had ignored the party which has no formal policies in areas such as education, health, security and had never won elections since its inception a few years ago.

Party spokesperson Ben De Biel says his party hopes to ensure that its newly elected MPs contribute to solving problems the people of Berlin face.

Mr De Biel says a new computer software has since been employed to ensure that  the MPs and voters interact on a daily basis and share strategies of how to approach various issues.

Current opinion polls in Germany predict that the Pirate Party may get its first seats in the Bundestag (German Upper House of Parliament) in 2013 if the current mood among citizens continues to like the silent online campaign tactics of the pirates.

Meanwhile, Tobias Miller, Politics Editor for the Berliner Zeitung, Berlin's largest daily newspaper, says the German media was surprised at the Pirates’ success in the elections.

Mr Miller says the Pirates got a lot of their support from dissatisfied Germans who feel the need for new ideas and a fresh start in politics and they also  got a good number of votes from young people who spend most of their time surfing the internet.
 
He adds that voters in Berlin elected the 15 young Pirate MPs because they are fed up of old politicians who are not offering them new ideas.

The Pirate MPs where among the 149 MPs of the Berlin Federal Parliament who started their five year term when the house opened for its deliberations on 27 October 2011.

The new parliament was elected on 18 September 2011 and in its sittings, it will be interesting because of the pirates whose agenda is not yet known.

Sunday, 25 September 2011

Sata and the Hang Parliament


By Paul Shalala
With the current composition of parliament were the ruling Patriotic Front has no two thirds majority, an alliance or a coalition government now looks likely.
According to official results, the PF has 60 seats; the MMD has 55 seats while the UPND has 28 seats.
The ADD and FDD has one seat each while three seats are held by independents.
Two more seats (Magoye, Nakonde) are yet to be decided following deaths by some candidates in the run up to the 20 September 2011 general elections.
This means that the country has a hang parliament, a situation were no party has the two thirds majority in the house.
According to the full list of recently elected Members of Parliament as released by the Electoral Commission of Zambia, no party gunnered the two thirds majority needed to control the house in terms of voting power.
Unlike the last parliament were the former ruling party MMD had more than 70 MPs including more opposition rebel lawmakers who used to vote with them, the current ruling party the Patriotic Front, does not have enough numbers in parliament.
Despite President Michael Sata having the privilege to nominate 8 more people to parliament which will bring the number of PF MPs to 68, the numbers will still be short of the two thirds of the voting power in the house.
Therefore, to avoid a crisis in passing laws in the house now that it is a hang parliament, the ruling PF is likely to enter into an alliance with one or two of the opposition parties with representation in parliament.
The most likely partner will be the UPND whose 28 MPs may help increase the PF’s control of the house way beyond the two thirds majority needed to pass laws and avoid what happened in Malawi were the opposition dominated parliament was refusing to pass laws proposed by the government which had few MPs in parliament.
Despite falling out earlier this year after the break up of the PF-UPND Pact, the two parties may still burry their differences, make it up and form a coalition government or an alliance for the smooth running of the legislature.
The other option would be to co-opt moderate or first time lawmakers from the former ruling MMD or co-opt the three independent MPs as well as the FDD and ADD whose seats may increase the PF’s grip on the house in parliament.
Despite being a new phenomena in Zambia, hang parliaments are a common occurrence after elections in many parts of the world.
Britain has a hang parliament following the failure by any of the major political parties to win with an absolute majority in the House of Commons after the last elections and that situation forced the Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats to form a coalition government to avoid a constitution crisis.

Saturday, 10 September 2011

POSSIBLE HOT SPOTS IN THE 2011 GENERAL ELECTIONS

Since the 2006 General Elections, three major political parties claimed a number of provinces as their strongholds. The said political parties were the United Party for National Development (UPND), the Patriotic Front (PF) and the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). These provinces were to be held as their ‘bedrooms’ for the next five years in the duration of the Tenth National Assembly which was dissolved by President Rupiah Banda on 28 July, 2011.
In this analytical piece, I will try to predict a number of provinces which are likely to either be held by a given political party or they may slip away to another depending on various reasons.
SOUTHERN PROVINCE
This province has been a stronghold of the UPND since the 2001 General Elections when  then UPND Presidential candidate the late Anderson Kambela Mazoka, who was a native of the province, got most of the votes  in the presidential poll. The party also got most of the parliamentary seats. In the 2006 elections, the UPND got 17 of the 19 seats in the Southern province, only Dundumwezi and Livingstone Central slipped off the Party’s ‘hands.’ Between 2006 and 2011, the UPND has managed to win most of the local government by-elections held in the province.
Looking ahead, the UPND is likely to maintain its dominance in the province. The only possible threat in this regard may be the emergence of the Ng’andu Magande led National Movement for Progress Party (NMP) and the ruling MMD. Magande is a son of Southern Province and he may get a sympathetic vote from his tribesmen while the MMD’s incumbency may help it get more votes than it did in the past elections. Infact, in the 2008 Presidential election, the MMD beat the UPND in Livingstone Central constituency.
With regard to the Patriotic Front, it is unlikely that the Party may gain any significant strides in the Province. This situation can be directly attributed to the ‘negative’ perception held by most people of the Province towards the Leader of the PF Michael Chilufya Sata especially in the light of the breakup of the UPND-PF Pact in early 2011. Notwithstanding, there is a high possibility that the PF may gain a few votes in urban areas of Livingstone, Mazabuka and Choma but it faces a huge challenge in rural areas where it is perceived to be an alien political force.
With regard to the MMD, it is imperative to underscore here that in the adoption process particularly of parliamentary candidates, the ruling party chose a good number of significant and/or influential candidates such as David Diangamo for Itezhi-Tezhi and Major Robby Chizyuka for Namwala[1]., however it will still be difficult for them to offset the table due to the way people in this province vote. Since 2001, the people of Southern Province have been voting on party lines, meaning anyone who contests on the UPND has a 90 percent chance of winning except in constituencies such as Dundumwezi and Livingstone Central were UPND candidates lost in 2006.
We are likely to see the Southern Province remaining firm in the hands of the UPND due to its President Hakainde Hichilema’s huge popularity in his homeland. The adoption of late UPND President Anderson Mazoka’s widow as the party’s parliamentary candidate in Pemba constituency may increase the party’s chances of gaining a sympathy vote since the Mazoka name is still revered in the province.

LUSAKA PROVINCE
At the beginning of the Tenth National Assembly in 2006, Lusaka Province was dominated by Patriotic Front Members of parliament. The party had 7 of the province’s 12 constituencies. All urban seats were held by the PF while the remaining 5 peri-urban and rural seats were held by the ruling MMD. But in 2010, the MMD’s seats were reduced by one when the UPND snatched the Chilanga seat through a by-election which was necessitated by the resignation of the then MMD incumbent MP Ng’andu Magande who had earlier been expelled by his party for his outspokenness.
Apart from the two big parties in Lusaka Province being the MMD and PF, the UPND is also somehow present. It had a few councilors across the region and before the suspension of the Lusaka City Council in January 2011; one of its Councillors was serving as Deputy Mayor for Lusaka City.
Despite Lusaka seemingly being in PF’s firm hands, the province may risk being infiltrated by the ruling party. The newly elected MMD Lusaka Province Chairman William Banda has been laying his ground work ahead of this year’s general elections. Some of his tactics have been to take over markets and bus stations as seen with the Lusaka Intercity Bus Terminus which has now been infiltrated by his ‘Jimboz’ squad who force all call boys to wear MMD regalia every Friday.
Secondly, the MMD in Lusaka has also been playing a psychological war by planting their blue party flags at strategic points of the city in order to register its presence.  Thirdly, President Banda recently embarked on a number of development projects in Lusaka to convince voters that his MMD-led government is working. These have included tarring some roads, grading township roads and donating geysers. However, die hard PF leaders have been telling their traditional supporters in the capital to use the ‘donchi kubeba’ doctrine of accepting whatever they are given but to remember to vote for the opposition party.
Looking at the 2011 General Elections, the opposition PF is likely to retain most of its seats in Lusaka. It may also get one or two of the MMD’s rural seats like Chongwe and Kafue which of late have been a hive of activity. Chongwe may go to the PF following the defection of its immediate past MMD MP Sylvia Masebo who allied herself with the opposition party in the last few months. Before being co-opted in the Levy Mwanawasa government a few years ago, Masebo was Chongwe MP on the Zambia Republican Party seat but after being appointed Cabinet Minister, she ditched the ZRP and joined MMD on whose ticket she retained her seat in the 2006 polls. This time around she hopes history will repeat itself as she is campaigning on the PF ticket.
 The MMD is also likely to make significant gains in the province due to William Banda’s campaign tactics, the head of state’s maneuvers and the defection of a few immediate past opposition parliamentarians to its ranks. The ruling party will fight to maintain its rural seats and get a few urban seats which have been its night mare for the past half a decade. Of the urban seats, Matero is of particular significance to the ruling party because it has fielded the immediate past PF MP Faustina Sinyangwe who rebelled against her party while in parliament.
The UPND is seen to be the third force in the province and its influence is sometimes underestimated. It currently has Chilanga as its only parliamentary seat in the province. Therefore, the party may fight to retain it as well as grab a few from the MMD or PF hoping to change the balance of power in a region perceived to be the PF’s bedroom. The party has fielded its Provincial Chairperson Sheal Mulyata in Rufunsa and she hopes to use her influence to snatch the seat away from MMD’s Kenneth Chipungu.
So in the 2011 elections, Lusaka province is likely to be what the American pundits would call a swing state in that not one party maybe certain of winning it overwhelmingly. It may move away from the PF to the MMD or it may remain in the hands of the PF.
   
 NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCE
At the time President Rupiah Banda was dissolving the 10th National Assembly in July this year, MMD had 8 MPs in North-Western province while the UPND had the remaining four seats. From the outset, it should be noted that this province is one of those that gave the MMD overwhelming votes in the past five years however the ruling party’s grip on the grassroots has been slowly slipping away following the demise of late Ben Tetamashimba who held the Solwezi Central seat for quite some time both on the MMD and opposition ticket.
The UPND under the leadership of its founding president Anderson Mazoka swept the North-Western Province in the 2001 General Elections but lost terribly to the MMD in the 2006 polls. However, in the last tenure of parliament, the UPND ‘stole’ two parliamentary seats from the MMD, these were Solwezi central seat after the death of the incumbent MMD MP Ben Tetamashimba and the Mufumbwe seat after the death of the incumbent MMD MP Misheck Bonshe.
In these two by-elections, the UPND claimed back its lost glory and also boasted that they were making a resurgence which would culminate into a landslide in 2011 however that is yet to be seen. The UPND will try its best to defend its four seats and try to increase that number.
With 8 seats in the last legislature, the MMD will do anything to defend its seats as well as threaten the four ‘renegade’ UPND seats which it feels it can reclaim. For the PF, this province will still sound abit problematic like Southern Province however the ‘donchi kubeba’ campaign machine cannot be ruled out going by the massive rallies PF leader Michael Sata addressed a few weeks ago in the province which seem to be larger than the ones he had in both the 2006 and 2008 presidential campaigns.
Smaller parties like the Alliance for Democracy and Development (ADD) and the National Movement for Progress (NMP) also hope to get a chunk of this lucrative province despite its low number of registered voters. The ADD is fielding its Secretary General Stafford Lizu for the Kabompo East seat and so far he has been making rounds campaigning across the province. For Ngandu Magande’s NMP, they hope to also get a piece of this province which they hope can be their launch pad to their eventual superpower status. Infact Magande launched his new party in North-Western Province before he rolled it over to the whole country.
In conclusion, the battle for the North-Western Province is likely to be a ‘two man’ battle between the MMD and UPND going by recent trends and it will be interesting to see how people will vote especially that this province has seen a boom in economic activities such as the Lumwana mine and the trident mining project.

NORTHERN PROVINCE
This province is a very lucrative prize for any serious political party in Zambia because it is one of the biggest regions both in terms of size as well as the number of registered voters. Big political parties have been traversing this province to ensure that they get a chunk of its voters.
At the dissolution of the Tenth National Assembly, the MMD and the PF were tied at 10 MPs each in the province while the 21st seat (Malole constituency) was held by an independent Emmanuel Munaile. In the past five years, the PF has managed to grab a few seats from the MMD, an indicator which has shocked MMD strategists because some of those seats like Mporokoso were held by the ruling party for a longtime.
The voting pattern in the Northern Province is also like that of the Central Province because people vote according to their geographical area. For example, the ruling MMD’s seats were in the northern part of the province stretching from the west to the east along the Zambia-Tanzania border and a few seats in the center of the province.
The PF had most of its seats in the south and center of the province and recently, they ‘stole’ Mporokoso constituency which is in the heart of the MMD territory in the north.
In the 2011 general elections, it will be interesting to see how the votes will be cast bearing in mind that the PF has shown a resurgence in some of the northern constituencies which have been a headache for them in the past decade. During the Mbala parliamentary by-election a year ago, the PF lost to the MMD by a slim margin, an indication that their popularity had also grown in the past few years going by the difference with the 2006 and 2008 elections.
 The MMD will fight to the last blood because they know that some of their big names such as the Namugalas, the Mutatis and the Simbaos come from this strategically important province and they would not risk losing the vote. The MMD will also try to ride on the backs of the PF ‘rebel’ MPs it has adopted on its ticket.

CENTRAL PROVINCE
In the last general elections, Central Province voted overwhelmingly for the MMD giving it 12 seats with the remaining two going to the UPND. In this year’s polls, the MMD has not re-adopted a number of its incumbent MPs for one reason or another. These include Ackimson Banda (Serenje), Lucy Changwe (Mkushi North) and Friday Malwa (Kapiri Mposhi).
This province can be described as a MMD stronghold but recent trends may show otherwise. In the 2008 Presidential election, the MMD candidate Rupiah Banda was beaten in Kabwe’s two constituencies which were both being held by the ruling party and if that trend repeats itself in the 2011 polls, the PF may get a huge chunk of votes in the so-called ghost town. In Katuba constituency, the MMD expelled its incumbent MP Jonas Shakafuswa who recently defected to the UPND and was adopted by the opposition party to re-contest his seat on its ticket and this constituency is likely to be a flashpoint in the 20 September polls. 
Another potential battleground will be Mwembeshi constituency whose immediate past MP Edward Kasoko was not adopted by the UPND to defend his seat and decided to defect to the ruling MMD and he claims to have crossed with 6, 000  supporters though that claim cannot be independently verified. This seat will be an uphill battle for the MMD if it is to win because for a long time now, the Tongas and Salas in this constituency have been voting for the UPND.
The northern constituencies surrounding Serenje and Kapiri Mposhi District will also be interesting to watch going by recent trends. If you followed the Chitambo by-election a year or two ago, you must have noticed that the PF’s performance and popularity in that by-election grew as compared to its performance in the 2001 and 2006 elections. And with this indicator, it will be interesting to see how the PF will battle it out with the traditional powerhouse the MMD.
All in all, Central Province votes according to its demography. The seats in the west vote predominantly UPND, the eastern part of the province votes MMD while the middle constituencies such as Bwacha and Kabwe Central seem to be leaning towards the PF and it will be interesting to see which colour the province will be painted on 20 September.

WESTERN PROVINCE
The Western Province has become one of the hotly contested regions in the past one year due to some circumstances. Despite it having a small number of registered voters, the province has been voting as one block in the past four elections and usually it has been voting for a winning party or presidential candidate. At the dissolution of parliament in July this year, of the 17 constituencies, the MMD had 15 MPs, the ADD had 1 MP and the UPND also had 1 MP in the province.
From these statistics, it is undisputed that the biggest parties in this region are the MMD, UPND and ADD. However, a third force has emerged in the name of PF following the 14 January, 2011 Mongu riots.
In the recently dissolved Cabinet, a number of its members were from the Western Province and some of the Deputy Ministers were also from the same province.
The province has been firmly in MMD hands but with the 14 January, 2011 Mongu riots, many pundits argue that the political environment has changed as there is huge resentment against the MMD government which banned the planned Limulunga meeting and sent in anti-riot police to enforce the ban and consequently killing some rioters.
Patriotic Front leader Michael Sata’s ‘triumphant’ entry of Senanga and Mongu in May this year sent serious shivers to his rivals. Mr Sata’s huge rallies in the two towns cemented his unwavering support for the restoration of the 1964 Barotseland Agreement within 90 days of getting into office if elected on 20 September. To some, this stance has won him many supporters needed for him to offset the tables in this year’s elections. In his usual opportunistic manner, the PF strongman went as far as praising the Linyungandambo group which government blamed for the January 14 violence. All in all, the King Cobra is likely to increase his presidential votes this year in Barotseland because some people have come to believe his promises on the Barotseland Agreement however he may not get a lot of votes in the town of Kaoma which is predominantly Kaonde and Luvale as opposed to other towns which are predominantly Lozis.
The PF has also fielded a good number of candidates in the province in order to claim a chunk of the 17 seats.  Noted among the candidates is PF National Chairperson Inonge Wina in Nalolo constituency and former Caritas Mongu Director Nathaniel Mubukwanu who is contesting in Mongu central constituency.
For the UPND, the chances of getting a lot of votes are high since this province once served as one of its strongholds. Earlier this year, UPND President Hakainde Hichilema toured the province with his real change message. HH campaigned in Mongu, Kaoma and Kalabo were he addressed thousands of people at his rallies giving an indication that even UPND is a factor in Barotseland.
At parliamentary level, the UPND has adopted popular candidates who include party vice president Francis Simenda for Mongu Central, chairman for logistics Sibote Sibote who is vying for Nalikwanda while Likando Mufalali is eying the Senanga seat.  
Another party which is likely to be a factor in Western Province is the opposition Alliance for Development and Democracy (ADD) whose president Charles Milupi was an independent MP for Luena constituency in Mongu. Last year Mr Milupi resigned and successfully retained his seat on the ADD ticket in a by-election held a few months later. The opposition leader is a native of the province however his popularity is not well distributed in the province as was seen last year when he was almost lynched by Mongu residents when he started singing the national anthem at a public rally. Apart from that, a number of ADD party structures in the western province have been defecting to other parties giving a huge task to Mr Milupi to consolidate his strength in the province.
All in all, Lozis have been known to vote like Tongas in that they vote in blocks in any particular election. It will be interesting to see how 20 September will shape the outlook of the province in terms of political dominance.


[1] Major Chizyuka is the immediate past Member of Parliament under the UPND. Suffice to mention that practically Major was an MMD supporter for over two years of his term as MP. Major Chizyuka opted to support the MMD because of his opposition to the PF-UPND Pact.

Wednesday, 17 August 2011

2011 ELECTIONS: MMD LIST OF PARLIAMENTARY CANDIDATES


CENTRAL PROVINCE





CONSTITUENCY                                                  CANDIDATE
1 Chisamba                                                                Moses Muteteka
2 Katuba                                                                   Dr Patrick Chikusu
3 Keembe                                                                 Lt Gen Ronnie Shikapwasha
4 Bwacha                                                                 Godfrey Pende
5 Kabwe Central                                                       Jane Chileshe
6 Kapiri-Mposhi                                                       Lawrence Zimba
7 Mkushi North                                                       Sydney Chisenga
8 Mkushi South                                                        Musonda K. Mutale
9 Mwembeshi                                                           Bornwell Matawe
10 Mumbwa                                                             Dr Brian Chituwo
11 Nangoma                                                             Mrs Nakachinda
12 Chitambo                                                             Mushili Malama
13 Muchinga                                                            George Kunda
14 Serenje                                                                Maxwell Kabanda

COPPERBELT
15 Chililabombwe                                                 Trudy Ng’andu
16 Chingola                                                           Severine Kazenene
17 Nchanga                                                            Mwape Christon
18 Kalulushi                                                          Spartan Musowoya
19 Chimwemwe                                                    Ronald Manenga
20 Kamfinsa                                                          Itayi Chinkuli
21 Kwacha                                                            Joe Malanji
22 Nkana                                                               Divo Katete
23 Wusakili                                                           Pavyuma Kalobo
24 Luanshya                                                          Simon Kachimba
25 Roan                                                                Goodward Mulubwa
26 Kankoyo                                                          Shadreck Musozya
27 Kantanshi
28 Mufulira                                                          Evans Chibanda
29 Kafulafuta                                                       E. Chishimba
30 Lufwanyama                                                   Anne Chungu
31 Masaiti                                                             Michael Katambo
32 Mpongwe                                                        Gabriel Namulambe
33 Bwana Mkubwa                                              Kelvin Chaume
34 Chifubu                                                           Frank Ng’ambi
35 Kabushi                                                           Rapson Kopulande
36 Ndola Central                                                  Emmanuel Mulenga

EASTERN PROVINCE
37 Chadiza                                                           Allan Mbewe
38 Vubwi                                                             Dr Eustarckio Kazonga
39 Chama North                                                  Darius Mumba
40 Chama South                                                  George Lungu
41 Chipangali                                                      Vincent Mwale
42 Chipata Central                                               Mtolo Phiri
43 Kasenengwa                                                   Victoria Kalima
44 Luangeni                                                        Angella Cifire
45 Milanzi                                                           Whiteson Banda
46 Mkaika                                                           David Phiri
47 Sinda                                                              Levy Ngoma
48 Chasefu                                                         Yotam H. Banda
49 Lumezi                                                          Isaac Banda
50 Lundazi                                                         Mkhondo Lungu
51 Malambo                                                       Maxwell Mwale
52 Nyimba                                                          Forrie Tembo
53 Kapoche                                                         Nicholas Banda
54 Msanzala                                                        Peter Daka
55 Petauke Central                                              Dora Siliya

LUAPULA PROVINCE
56 Kawambwa                                                    Elizabeth Mulobeka
57 Mwansabombwe                                           Dr Chriticles Mwansa
58 Pambashe                                                      Dr Bulangeti Chisha
59 Bahati                                                            Besa Chimbaka
60 Chembe                                                         Mwansa Mbulakulima
61 Mansa Central                                              Dr Chitalu Chilufya
62 Chipili                                                           J. Kapungwe
63 Mambilima                                                   John Chinyanta
64 Mwense                                                        Dr Jacob Chongo
65 Chiengi                                                         M Mampi
66 Nchelenge                                                    Beny Y. Mwila
67 Bangweulu                                                  Sylvester Chifwembe
68 Chifunabululi                                              Chiliyea Kapekele
69 Luapula                                                       Daniel Chisala

LUSAKA PROVINCE
70 Kafue                                                           Bradford Machila
71 Feira                                                             Patrick Ngoma
72 Chilanga                                                      Keith Mukata
73 Chongwe                                                     Japhen Mwakalombe
74 Rufunsa                                                       Kenneth Chipungu
75 Chawama                                                     Donald Chilufya
76 Kabwata                                                       Dr Peter Machungwa
77 Kanyama                                                     Yohane Mwanza
78 Lusaka Central                                            Muhabi Lungu
79 Mandevu                                                     Dr Carnicius Banda
80 Matero                                                         Faustina Sinyangwe
81 Munali                                                         Majory Mwape

NORTHERN PROVINCE
82 Chilubi                                                         Rosaria Fundanga
83 Chinsali                                                        Chileshe Kapwepwe
84 Shiwang’andu                                               Major Celestino Chibamba
85 Isoka East                                                     Catherine Namugala
86 Isoka West                                                    Paul Sichamba
87 Nakonde                                                       Clever Silavwe
88 Chimbamilonga                                            Brian Sikazwe
89 Kaputa                                                          Mutale Nalumango
90 Kasama Central                                           Chilekwa Munkonge
91 Lukashya                                                      Benard Mpundu
92 Malole                                                          Humphrey Musonda
93 Lubasenshi                                                   George Mwamba
94 Lupososhi                                                    Albert Mulonga
95 Mbala                                                           Mwalimu Simfukwe
96 Mpulungu                                                    Given Mung’omba
97 Senga Hill                                                    Kapembwa Simbao
98 Kanchibiya                                                   Sunday Chanda
99 Mfuwe                                                          M. Songolo
100 Mpika Central                                            Danny Chisanga
101 Lunte                                                          Felix Mutati
102 Mporokoso                                                 Brian Mundubile

NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCE
103 Chavuma                                                     Kenneth Konga
104 Kabompo East                                             Danny Chingimbu
105 Kabompo West                                            Daniel Kalenga
106 Kasempa                                                      Kabinga Pande
107 Mufumbwe                                                  Stephen Masumba
108 Mwinilunga East                                          Newton Samakayi
109 Mwinilunga West                                        Elijah Muchima
110 Solwezi Central                                           Lucky Mulusa
111 Solwezi East                                                Richard Taima
112 Solwezi West                                               Humphrey Mwanza
113 Zambezi East                                               Sarah Sayifwanda
114 Zambezi West                                              Prisca C. Pulu

SOUTHERN PROVINCE
115 Choma                                                            Siachona Simalonga
116 Mbabala                                                          Laiven Apuleni
117 Pemba                                                             Joshua Simuyandi
118 Gwembe                                                         Chisangano Malungo
119 Dundumwezi                                                  Sebastian Hambokoma
120 Kalomo Central                                              Sikaduli J. Munsaka
121 Katombora                                                      Jelasi Barthlomew Sikonda
122 Mapatizya                                                       Lloyd Jembo
123 Livingstone                                                     Lukolo Katombola
124 Chikankata                                                     Trymore Mwenda
125 Magoye                                                          Bevin Mweene
126 Mazabuka Central                                         Maxwell Mwiinga
127 Bweengwa                                                     Bbuku Tsibu
128 Monze Central                                               Dr Victor Mukonka
129 Moomba                                                        Isabel Nanja
130 Itezhi Tezhi                                                   David Diangamo
131 Namwala                                                       Robby Chizyuka
132 Siavonga                                                        Noah Siasimuna
133 Sinazongwe                                                   Muti Beyani

WESTERN PROVINCE
134 Kalabo Central                                              Richard Mwapela
135 Liuwa                                                            Dr Situmbeko Musokotwane
136 Sikongo                                                         Mundia Ndalamei
137 Kaoma Central                                              Austin Liato
138 Luampa                                                         Josephine Limata
139 Mangango
140 Lukulu East                                                  Dr Christopher Kalila
141 Lukulu West                                                Misheck Mutelo
142 Luena                                                          Mwangala Maopo
143 Mongu Central                                           Joseph Mulyata
144 Nalikwanda                                                Prof. G. Lungwangwa
145 Nalolo                                                         Mrs Catherine Akayombokwa
146 Senanga Central                                         Charles Mututwa
147 Sinjembela                                                  Mubika Mubika
148 Mulobezi                                                    Michael Mabenga
149 Mwandi                                                      Michael Kaingu
150 Sesheke                                                      Frank Kufakwandi